The original text of this article was first published on the "Real Image" official WeChat account on the morning of November 18th, 2024, Beijing time. On November 19th, 2024, the indiscriminate vehicle ramming incident at Changde School occurred. It had already been taken down and deleted by the system on November 20th, 2024.

本文原文于北京时间2024年11月18日上午在真实影像公众号首发。2024年11月19日就发生了常德学校无差别撞人事件。2024年11月20日早就被系统下架删除了。

论文作者：马子琪、赵云亭 | 华东理工大学 Authors of the paper: Ma Ziqi, Zhao Yunting | East China University of Science and Technology

Editor's Note: Why have the heinous incidents of "retaliating against society" occurred frequently in recent years? How should we view and prevent such incidents?

This paper focuses on studying 20 cases of retaliating against society, analyzing the retaliatory psychology of those who retaliate against society, and distinguishing four types of sources such as market exclusion, participation exclusion, public service exclusion, and social relationship exclusion.

When the excluded individuals encounter social setbacks and lack sufficient social and psychological resources to relieve their negative emotions, they are likely to develop a retaliatory psychology, and then resort to extreme emotions and retaliatory actions.

The author points out that it is worth noting that some criminal acts of retaliating against society belong to a kind of **performative violence, where the perpetrators intend to attract public attention and social recognition through extreme behaviors**.

He believes that to eliminate the structural risks that may lead to the frequent occurrence of retaliating against society behaviors, a social safety valve system should be established, a social buffer mechanism for marginalized groups should be set up, and a balance should be sought between maintaining the stability of the rigid social structure and stretching the elastic social mentality, so as to prevent and resolve the criminal acts of retaliating against society.

If we cannot find the systematic causes and solutions from the 20 incidents of retaliating against society and make a turn, the 21st incident will inevitably occur.

This article is selected from the 6th issue of Journal of Jiangsu Normal University (Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition) in 2019. The original title is **"Social Exclusion and Behavioral Polarization: The Generation Mechanism and Prevention and Control of Individual Retaliating Against Society Incidents"**, and it only represents the views of the authors, for your consideration.

编者按：

为何这些年“报复社会”的恶性事件频发？

本文集中研究20起报复社会案例，分析报复社会者的报复心理，区分了市场排斥、参与排斥、公共服务排斥、社会关系排斥等四类来源。

当被排斥者遭遇社会挫折而缺乏足够的社会资源和心理资源疏解负面情绪时，很可能形成报复心理，进而诉诸极端情绪与报复行动。

作者指出，值得注意的是，有些报复社会的犯罪行为属于一种**表演式暴力，施暴者欲以极端行为博得舆论关注和社会承认。**他认为，要消除可能导致报复社会行为频发的结构性风险，应建立社会安全阀体系，建立边缘群体的社会缓冲机制，在维持刚性社会结构稳定与弹性社会心态舒展中寻求平衡之道，进而预防和化解报复社会的犯罪行为。

如不能从二十起报复社会的事件找到系统性原因和解决方案，并掉头，必然还会出现第二十一起。

本文选自《江苏师范大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》2019年第6期，原题为**“社会排斥与行为极化：个体报复社会事件的生成机理及防控”**，仅代表作者观点，供诸君思考。

Social Exclusion and Behavioral Polarization: The Generation Mechanism and Prevention and Control of Individual Retaliating Against Society Incidents

社会排斥与行为极化：个体报复社会事件的生成机理及防控

With the advent of the risk society, the development of social forces has also entered a stage of high individualization, independence, and decentralization. The power of individuals has been continuously expanding, and the most obvious manifestation is the growth of individual extreme violent behaviors. Conducting an online search with the keyword "retaliating against society incidents", incidents such as injuring people by driving vehicles, slashing people with knives, and setting fire on buses... Similar tragedies keep happening, and each occurrence of such a tragedy jolts the nerves of the public. Individual retaliating against society incidents refer to sudden extreme incidents in which marginalized individuals who are excluded by society develop a resentful mentality due to repeated emotional and interest damages, and indiscriminately carry out violent acts of aggression against the general public in the pursuit of emotional and factual justice, thus seriously threatening social stability and safety. In terms of nature, individual retaliating against society behaviors are the extreme manifestation forms of emotional deviant behaviors.

Such incidents generally have the following characteristics:

1. The actor of the behavior is a single individual, mostly from marginalized groups excluded by society.

2. The purpose of the behavior is irrational, and the long-accumulated resentful emotions and sense of injustice are the main psychological inducements.

3. The targets of aggression are generalized, usually targeting uncertain social groups, such as the passenger groups in bus arson incidents, or unspecified individuals within a specific group, such as acts of aggression specifically targeting children and students.

4. The means are to expand the lethality, often choosing weapons that can cause widespread threats in a short period of time, such as explosives, arson, and knives.

5. Suddenness and terrifying consequences, with no obvious signs before the incident occurs, a very short duration, being difficult to predict and prevent, and easily causing multiple casualties, with extremely bad social impacts. This paper selects 20 typical cases from 2015 to 2019, carefully combs through the occurrence process of each case as well as the psychological and behavioral change process of the actors, and thereby gains insights into the general characteristics and generation laws of individual retaliating against society behaviors.

随着风险社会的来临，社会力量的发展也进入了高度个体化、独立化、分散化的阶段，个体的力量不断膨胀，表现最为明显的即个体极端暴力行为的增长。以“报复社会事件”为关键词进行网络检索，驾车伤人、持刀砍人、公交车纵火……相似的悲剧总在不停上演，每一次惨剧的发生都刺激着公众的神经。

个体报复社会事件是指被社会排斥的边缘主体因多次情感与利益受损产生怨恨心理，为寻求情感与事实正义而对社会公众无差别地实施暴力侵害行为，从而严重威胁社会稳定与安全的突发性极端事件。

从性质上看，个体报复社会行为是情感性越轨行为的极端表现形式。此类事件一般具有以下特征：1．行为主体是单一的个体，大多是被社会排斥的边缘群体。2．行为目的非理性，长期积累的怨恨情绪与不公感是主要心理诱因。3．侵害对象泛化，一般针对的是不确定的社会群体，如公交车纵火中的乘客群体，或是特定群体中的不特定个体，如专门针对儿童学生的侵害行为。4．手段扩大杀伤，往往选择能在短时间内造成广泛威胁的武器，如爆炸物、纵火、刀械等。5．突发性与恐怖后果，事件发生前没有明显的征兆，持续时间很短，难以预料和防范，并且容易引起多人死伤，社会影响极其恶劣。

本文选取了2015-2019年间的20起典型案例，详细梳理每件案例的事发经过及行为人的心理与行为变化历程，从中透视个体报复社会行为的一般特质与生成规律。

▍Exclusion and Deprivation: The Social Logic of Individual Retaliation 排斥与剥夺：个体报复的社会逻辑

(I) Social Exclusion - The Intrinsic Connection with Individual Retaliation "When some individuals and groups do not have access to resources, opportunities, endowments, and power, and these states are considered normal, customary, or expected in the society they live in, it can be said that they have suffered social exclusion." Social exclusion means that the state of the individual's total or partial lack of resources, opportunities, endowments, and power is fixed, and the relationship between the individual or group and society is severed, which will inevitably lead to the deprivation of the abilities of some individuals or groups and limit the individual's life opportunities. Facing the survival difficulties caused by social exclusion, individuals will react differently, such as compliance, innovation, formalism, retreatism, or resistance. The behavior of individuals retaliating against society can be regarded as an extreme manifestation of retreatism - the actor refuses to accept the existing social culture and goals while resisting social reality by non-institutionalized means. In addition, the probability of deviance is positively correlated with the degree of social exclusion suffered by individuals. Generally speaking, the higher the degree of an individual being excluded, the more difficult it is for them to integrate into society, and the more likely it is to trigger deviant behaviors. Especially when an individual cannot maintain the satisfaction of their ideal life through legal means, deviance may be more favored. Through the above analysis, we can draw a conclusion: the deprivation of abilities and the severance of social relations are the two basic incentives for individuals to commit deviant behaviors due to social exclusion.

By thoroughly analyzing the life trajectories of individuals who retaliate against society before the incidents, it is found that the vast majority of the subjects have a common behavioral characteristic before taking extreme actions, that is, they spontaneously and actively alienate themselves from the social relationship network, and their social interactions are in a closed or semi-closed state. They are reluctant to communicate with others and do not participate in any social activities.

For example, in the case of Zhu某某 who injured people with weapons in Beijing Xidan Joy City, before the incident, he was addicted to online games, changed jobs frequently, seldom communicated with others, and even cut off contact with his family. Another example is the case of hacking students in Haikou. According to the reflection of his relatives, the actor Li Sijun behaved abnormally during his return to his hometown before the incident. He did not communicate with others and did not participate in family activities.

According to Giddens' view, social exclusion can be divided into two types: the passive exclusion of the lower social strata and the active exclusion of the upper social strata. The general sense of social exclusion we are talking about refers to passive exclusion, that is, the groups at the bottom of society are forced to be excluded from the mainstream society. However, it has been proved that the phenomenon of active exclusion also occurs among the bottom of society. The living conditions of the retaliators often go through a process from passive exclusion to active exclusion.

First, due to the tension of the external social structure or their own congenital defects, they are excluded to the edge of the social structure, forming "factual exclusion". When their personal desires are not satisfied, they voluntarily and actively detach themselves from the mainstream society, even completely isolate themselves, and even form an anti-social cultural characteristic. This is a more terrifying "psychological exclusion". When the psychological isolation reaches a certain degree or lasts long enough, it will be manifested through individual behaviors in an extremely intense form.

（一）社会排斥—个体报复的内在关联

“当一些个体和群体没有获得资源、机会和禀赋、权力的渠道，而这些状态在他们生活的社会中被认为是正常的、习俗性的或者预期之内时，就可以说他们就遭到了社会排斥。”社会排斥意味着个体的资源、机会、禀赋、权力全部或部分缺失的状态被固定化，个体或群体与社会的关系断裂，这就必然会导致部分个体或群体能力的剥夺，限制个体的生活机会。

面对社会排斥导致的生存困境，个体会作出不同的反应，如遵从、创新、形式主义、隐退主义或是反抗，个体报复社会行为可以看作是隐退主义的极端表现形式———行为人拒绝接受现有的社会文化和目标，同时以非制度化的手段反抗社会现实。

此外，越轨概率的高低与个体遭受社会排斥的程度呈正相关，一般来说个体被排斥的程度越高，越难以融入社会，就越容易引发越轨行为。特别是当个体不能通过合法手段来维持其理想生活的满意度时，越轨可能更受偏爱。

通过上文的分析我们可以得出一个结论：能力剥夺与社会关系断裂是社会排斥导致个体做出越轨行为的两个基本诱因。

通过深入剖析报复社会个体事发前的生活轨迹，发现绝大多数的主体在做出极端行为之前都有一个共同的行为特征，即自发主动地疏离社会关系网络，社会交往都处于封闭或半封闭状态，不愿与人交流，不参加任何社会活动。

例如，北京西单大悦城持械伤人事件中的朱某某，在案发之前因沉迷于网络游戏，频繁更换工作，很少与他人交流，甚至与家人也断绝了联系；再比如海口砍杀学生案，据其亲属反映，行为人李四君在事发前返乡期间，举止异常，不与他人交流，不参加家庭活动。

根据吉登斯的观点，社会排斥可以分为两种类型：社会下层的被动排斥和社会上层的主动排斥，我们所说的一般意义上的社会排斥均指被动排斥，即处于社会底层的群体被迫排斥于主流社会之外，然而事实证明在社会底层中同样会出现主动排斥的现象。报复者的生存样态往往经历了一个由被动排斥到主动排斥的过程。先是由于外部的社会结构张力或自身先天性缺陷被排斥于社会结构的边缘，形成“事实上的排斥”，在个人欲求得不到满足的情况下，自愿主动地脱离主流社会，甚至完全隔离，乃至形成一种反社会的文化特征，这是一种更为可怕的“心理上的排斥”。当心理隔离达到一定程度或持续足够长的时间就会以极端剧烈的形式通过个体行为展现出来。

（二）社会排斥—个体报复的制度过程 Social Exclusion - The Institutional Process of Individual Retaliation

What social exclusion emphasizes is "who" (the promoters and agents) excludes others from certain social fields through what kind of institutional process, with the focus on revealing the internal mechanisms and processes. Therefore, it is necessary to explain under the influence of which mechanisms the subjects who retaliate against society are gradually excluded to the edge of society, thus increasing the possibility of deviance. Eliot Curry found in his latest research that crime is the social consequence of the unrestrained release of market forces. Exclusion mechanisms such as changes in the labor market, the weakening of social network support, the reduction of basic public services, the amplification of Darwinism and the culture of resource competition will promote crime to varying degrees. Judging from the living difficulties of the subjects who retaliate against society, they have mostly experienced the following four types of exclusion.

1. Market Exclusion

Market exclusion includes exclusion from the labor market and the consumer market. Labor market exclusion means that members of a certain group are excluded from the mainstream labor market, facing the risks of regular unemployment or unstable employment, and can only engage in heavy physical labor or service jobs in career choices. The exclusion of the consumer market is manifested as being unable to afford or being restricted in the ability to use goods and services, and it is difficult to integrate into the mainstream lifestyle of consumption. They cannot enjoy the same welfare benefits and preferential policies as urban residents, and the material needs of their living consumption are also difficult to be satisfied, being seriously isolated from other classes in terms of economic status.

For example, in the case of injuring students in Shanghai, Huang Yichuan had long been unsuccessful in finding jobs in many places. After coming to Shanghai in June 2018, it was even more difficult for him to find a suitable job. He had been unemployed all the time, with no means of livelihood, and developed a world-weary sentiment, thus giving birth to the idea of retaliating against society. In the case of Jia 某某 in Beijing Xicheng District Xuanshi No. 1 Affiliated Primary School, he was dissatisfied because he was not assigned to a suitable position after the expiration of his labor dispatch contract.

The market economy is essentially an exclusionary mechanism of survival of the fittest. Under the condition that both resource allocation and labor selection are determined by the market, it will inevitably limit the market access opportunities of some vulnerable groups with weak capabilities. In addition, "market failure" and the imperfect development of the market economic system will also cause inequality in the enjoyment of resources and welfare, further intensifying the intensity of exclusion of vulnerable groups.

1. Participation Exclusion

Participation exclusion means that the subject is excluded from the decision-making process, lacking the right to speak, having a low level of participation in public affairs, and having no right and opportunity to obtain political resources fairly, enjoy political rights and fulfill political obligations. For vulnerable groups, it is manifested as the vulnerability of their legitimate rights and interests, the blockage of the channels for expressing their interests, and the ineffectiveness of the institutionalized ways of safeguarding their rights after their interests are damaged.

For example, in the 2016 Yinchuan bus arson case, the suspect Ma Yongping was owed more than 200,000 yuan in wages by subcontractors for three years. He had to use private lending to pay off his debts. During the process of demanding wages, he was even beaten by the civil engineering boss and his thugs. When he applied to the relevant departments of the local county and town governments for safeguarding his rights, he was repeatedly shirked. Under the hopeless situation of demanding wages and safeguarding his rights, he fell into extreme dissatisfaction and hatred.

Paying wages on time is the legitimate right of citizens protected by the system. However, at the actual implementation level, not all individuals' legitimate interests can be protected. Especially for marginal groups with obviously weak social status and resource possession, they are themselves political marginal people who rarely or never participate in political activities. Their ability to safeguard their own rights and interests through legal channels is even more limited. Due to the institutional environment and social structural defects, vulnerable groups are more likely to encounter the risk of rights damage than other classes.

1. Public Service Exclusion

Public service exclusion means that "individuals or groups cannot enjoy social rights because they do not have citizenship, or even if they have citizenship, they are excluded from certain national welfare systems". This is particularly serious among the floating population in China, especially the rural floating population. The regional barriers based on the household registration system divide urban and rural residents into two different social identities. Due to the lack of formal resident identities, foreign populations are excluded from the urban public service system in the fields of education, medical care, social security, and housing.

With unstable incomes and a lack of necessary guarantees, the gap between the rich and the poor between migrant workers and urban residents is becoming more and more obvious. The imbalance and inequality in the distribution of welfare resources have intensified the survival risks of marginal groups. The risks of unemployment, occupational diseases, economic losses, etc. are magnified geometrically on vulnerable groups. Public service exclusion further weakens the ability of marginal groups to resist risks, and various risks in life may cause individuals to fall into a quagmire of survival.

For example, in the Xuzhou kindergarten explosion case, Xu 某某 lost his education opportunities due to his physiological diseases, dropped out of school early to work. Due to the lack of professional skills and poor physical health, it was also difficult for him to find a better position. The pressure of life gradually unbalanced his psychology, and then he chose to end his life by retaliating against society.

1. Social Relationship Exclusion

For example, Jiang 某春 in the Changshu arson case was introverted and taciturn since childhood. He was not valued in the family. After growing up, he seldom contacted his family when working outside. His marriage life was not satisfactory either. He was addicted to gambling all day long and gave up on himself. Seeing that his cousin Jiang Dashan, who came out to work with him, was living a better and better life, comparing with his own gloomy life, it aroused his inner jealousy. Jiang's father thought that his nephew Jiang Dashan did not help his son Jiang 某春 enough, which further deepened Jiang 某春's resentment. For him, what was sad was not only life but also the emotional estrangement.

With the disintegration of traditional family structures and communities, the influence of social individualization and social mobility has made the traditional kinship relationships mainly based on blood and geographical relationships extremely fragile. Especially for the floating population, they have detached from the original social relationship network and cannot immediately integrate into the new environment. The relationship bonds are in a broken state. When facing the risk of infringement, the strange city does not provide them with a buffer harbor. The family and relative relationship network of "living in a different place" is powerless to provide help. Social relationship exclusion has cut off the last line of defense for marginal groups to defend against and resist the risks of life.

In the Nanchang Honggutan case, Wan 某弟 lost hope in life because he could not marry a wife and even wanted to kill a beautiful girl to be his "wife in the underworld". Hou 某锋 in Fuzhou was resentful because his ex-wife found a new boyfriend. After stabbing her boyfriend to death, he vented his anger on passers-by. The emptiness of emotions has broken the last line of defense of the bottom survivors. The indifference of life has prompted them to embark on the path of crime.

In addition, the multidimensionality and cumulativeness of social exclusion make it possible for groups or individuals to experience multiple exclusions simultaneously. The exclusion suffered in one area will lead to exclusions on other levels, and these exclusions will interact with each other, resulting in multiple exclusions and vulnerabilities, comprehensively creating the living difficulties of vulnerable groups. For example, the lack of employment or access to public service for a person will lead to his economic poverty, and economic poverty in turn will lead to other forms of deprivation (such as damage to rights or the breakage of social relationship support). Therefore, social exclusion itself is not only a part of the deprivation of capabilities but also one of the reasons for the insufficient ability to resist risks.

社会排斥强调的是“谁”（推动者和施动者）通过怎样的制度过程将他人排斥出一定的社会领域，重点在于揭示内在的机制和过程。因此需要说明报复社会的主体是在哪些机制的作用下一步一步被排斥于社会边缘，从而提高了越轨的可能性。艾略特·库里在最新的研究中发现，犯罪是大肆释放市场力量的社会后果，劳动力市场变化、社会网络支持弱化、基本公共服务的减少、达尔文主义以及资源竞争文化的放大等排斥机制都会在不同程度上促进犯罪。从报复社会主体的生活困境来看，他们大都经历了以下四种类型的排斥。

1.市场排斥

市场排斥包括来自劳动力市场和消费市场的排斥。劳动力市场排斥是指某一类群体的成员被排斥于主流劳动力市场之外，存在经常性失业或就业不稳定风险，在职业选择上只能从事重体力劳动或服务业等工作。消费市场的排斥则表现为买不起或被限制了使用商品和服务的能力，难以融入主流的生活消费方式。他们无法与城镇居民享受同等的福利待遇、优惠政策，生活消费的物质需求也难以得到满足，在经济地位上与其他阶层严重隔离。

例如, 上海伤害学生案中的黄一川，在多地长期就业不顺，2018年6月来沪后更加难以找到合适的工作，一直处于失业状态，生活没有着落，产生厌世情绪，由此萌生了报复社会的想法。北京西城区宣师一附小学案中的贾某某则是因为其劳务派遣合同到期后，没有被安排到合适岗位而心生不满。

市场经济本质上是一种优胜劣汰的排斥性机制，在资源配置和劳动力选择都由市场来决定的条件下，必然会限制一部分能力弱势群体的市场准入机会。此外，市场“失灵”与市场经济体制发展不健全也会造成资源和福利享有的不平等，进一步加剧了对弱势群体的排斥烈度。

2.参与排斥

参与排斥指主体被排斥出决策过程，缺少话语权，公共事务参与程度低、没有公平获取政治资源、享受政治权利和履行政治义务的权利和机会。对于弱势群体来说表现为合法权益的易损性，利益诉求途径受阻以及利益受损后制度化维权方式的失效。

例如, 在2016年银川公交车纵火案中，嫌疑人马永平三年被分包商拖欠20多万元工资，不得已采用民间借贷的方式还债，讨薪期间甚至还遭遇土建老板及其打手殴打，向当地县、镇两级政府相关部门申请维权却遭反复推脱，讨薪维权无望之下陷入了极度不满与愤恨之中。

按时支付工资本是受制度保障公民的合法权益，而在实际执行层面，并非所有个体的合法利益都能得到保障，特别是对于社会地位及资源占有数量明显处于弱势的边缘群体来说，他们本身就是极少或是从不参与政治活动的政治边缘人，通过合法渠道维护自身权益的能力更为有限。由于制度环境和社会结构性缺陷，弱势群体比之其他阶层更容易遭遇权利受损风险。

3.公共服务排斥

公共服务排斥指“个人或群体因不具有公民资格而无法享有社会权利，或即便具有公民资格也被排斥出某些国家福利制度”，这在我国流动人口尤其是农村流动人口当中表现尤为严重。以户籍制度为基础的区域壁垒将城乡居民划分成了两种不同社会身份，外来人口由于不具备正式的居民身份，在教育、医疗、社会保障、住房等公共服务领域方面都被排斥在城市公共服务体系之外。

收入不稳定加之缺乏必要保障，外来的农民工与城市居民相比贫富差距愈加明显，福利资源分配不平衡与不平等加剧了边缘群体的生存风险，失业、职业病、经济损失等风险损害在弱势群体身上呈几何倍的放大。公共服务排斥进一步弱化了边缘群体抵御风险能力，而生活中的各类风险都有可能导致个体陷入生存泥淖。

例如, 徐州幼儿园爆炸案中的许某某，因自身的生理性疾病失去了教育机会，早早辍学打工，由于没有一技之长以及身体健康状况较差也很难找到较好的岗位，生活的压力促使他的心理逐渐失衡，进而选择通过报复社会的方式来结束自己的生命。

4.社会关系排斥

例如，常熟纵火案中的姜某春自小性格内向、沉默寡言，在家庭中得不到重视，成年后在外打工极少与家人联系，婚姻生活也并不如意，整日沉迷于赌博，自暴自弃。看到跟随自己出来打拼的表弟姜大山日子越过越红火，对比自己灰暗的生活激发了他内心的嫉妒，姜父认为侄子姜大山给予儿子姜某春帮助不够，又进一步加深了姜某春的怨恨，对于他来说难过的不仅是生活还有来自情感上的疏离。

随着传统家庭结构与社区的解体，社会个体化以及社会流动的影响使得传统的以血缘、地缘为主体的亲缘关系变得极为脆弱，特别是对于流动人口来说，他们脱离了原来的社会关系网络又无法立即融入全新的环境，关系纽带处于断裂状态，当面临风险侵害时，陌生城市并没有为他们提供可以缓冲的港湾，“异地生存”的家庭与亲属关系网络又无力提供帮助，社会关系排斥切断了边缘群体防御抗争生活风险的最后防线。

南昌红谷滩一案中的万某弟因为娶不上妻子对生活失去希望，竟想要杀一个漂亮姑娘作“阴间夫妻”；福州的侯某锋则是因为前妻找到新的男友而心生怨恨，捅死其男友后又将愤怒发泄于路人。情感上的空虚打破了底层生存者的最后防线，生活的冷漠促使他们走上犯罪的道路。

此外，社会排斥的多向度性和累积性使得群体或个体有可能同时经历多重排斥，在某一领域遭受的排斥会引致其他层面的排斥，这些排斥又会互相施以反作用，导致多重排斥与弱势，综合造就了弱势群体的生活困境。例如一个人在就业或获取公共服务上的缺失会导致他面临经济上的穷困，而经济上的穷困反过来又会导致其他形式的剥夺（如权利受损或社会关系支持断裂）。因此，社会排斥本身不但是能力剥夺的一部分，而且也是造成抵御风险能力不足的原因之一。

▍行为极化：个体报复社会的情感逻辑 Behavioral Polarization: The Emotional Logic of Individual Retaliation Against Society

(I) The Emotional Attributes of Individual Retaliation Against Society Behaviors On the surface, the experience of social exclusion prompts individuals to develop the motivation to retaliate against society, thus leading to the occurrence of deviant behaviors. However, there is no inevitable connection between the stimulus of the survival difficulties under the exclusion state and the occurrence of deviant behaviors. Not all individuals who are socially excluded will turn to crime. Almost without exception, news reports about individuals retaliating against society will point out in the reasons for the crimes that the perpetrators have retaliatory psychology and world-weary emotions. Therefore, retaliatory psychology is the decisive factor that directly leads to the indiscriminate venting of anger by individuals. Retaliatory psychology is a self-defense and protection mechanism to cope with and resist external unfavorable factors. It is a compensatory reaction spontaneously carried out by individuals to maintain inner balance. Retaliatory psychology goes hand in hand with the negative emotional pressure of individuals, such as negative emotions like pain, inferiority, humiliation, and anger. From the perspective of value intensity and duration, the formation of retaliatory motivation is the result of the emotional polarization of individuals, evolving from negative emotions such as pain, anger, and humiliation with higher intensity but shorter duration into extreme value judgments and psychological identifications such as social insecurity, hatred, political apathy, and pessimistic world-weary with lower intensity but longer duration. For example, in the Yulin Mizhi case, Zhao Zewi was always bullied by his classmates when he was studying in Mizhi No. 3 Middle School in his youth. The long-standing resentment caused defects in his character and formed serious psychological trauma. His work and life had been unsmooth after he grew up.

Emotion is the regulator of human behavior, guiding people's decisions both consciously and unconsciously. Emotional defects will lead to defective social behaviors. Elster pointed out: "If the possession of a certain emotion is harmful in itself, then acting according to this emotion is equally harmful." Generally speaking, people with higher social and economic status have more social and psychological resources to prevent the emergence of extreme emotions. The lower the individual's social status is, the more likely they are to be exposed to negative life events and problems that cause pressure. When an individual is always in a negative state in the "market position", that is, in a state of being deprived and discriminated against for a long time, those low emotions will be stored up and continue as "traumas". And angry individuals or groups do not have complete control over their behaviors. Driven by emotional forces, the behaviors of individuals or groups may deviate from the originally envisioned rational track and undergo mutations, ultimately leading to the occurrence of indiscriminate and irrational aggressive behaviors.

(II) The Behavioral Polarization Process of Individual Retaliation Against Society The motivation of excluded individuals to retaliate against society is formed under the impetus of emotions. By sorting out the psychological process of individuals who retaliate against society, it is found that the formation of extreme behaviors generally goes through four stages: perception of stimuli from the real environment and harm caused by exclusion, processing of harm experiences and arousal of negative emotions, formation of retaliatory psychology and estimation of implementation effects, and externalization of extreme emotions and implementation of retaliatory actions.

1. Perception of Stimuli from the Real Environment and Harm Caused by Exclusion Individuals' encounter with social exclusion and the formation of initial emotional experiences is the first stage of both retaliatory psychology and the behavioral polarization process. In this stage, individuals directly or indirectly come into contact with damages such as resource deprivation, power restriction, opportunity loss, and relationship rupture from the social environment or other strata, and initially form negative emotional experiences such as inferiority, pain, and anger. In this process, individuals' perception of harm is a crucial factor affecting what kind of reaction they will make. Different people will have different psychological reactions to the same situational stimuli. In many cases, what seems not to be a significant stimulus to ordinary people may be a devastating psychological blow to marginal groups. For example, in the "9·30" explosion incident in Liucheng County, Guangxi, Wei Yinyong had disputes with villagers many times due to hidden dangers of quarry disasters and rent issues. He developed strong dissatisfaction during this process and even threatened to blow up the villagers' houses. After the quarry was shut down, the relationship with the villagers became even more tense.

2. Processing of Harm Experiences and Arousal of Negative Emotions The processing of harm from the environment by excluded individuals and the generation of strong negative emotions is the second stage of the behavior. In this stage, individuals combine the perceived environmental stimuli with the existing knowledge and experience in their minds, make judgments on the information and draw basic conclusions. Due to the long-term effect of the exclusion environment, the level of knowledge and experience of individuals in this stage is inherently defective and insufficient, which may cause their processing of information and experience to be one-sided or extreme, deliberately exaggerating the consequences of environmental damage and further intensifying the existing negative emotional experiences, such as transitioning from primary tension, anger, sadness, jealousy, and loneliness to deeply self-poisoning negative emotions such as resentment, hatred, and a sense of incompetence. At this time, the individual's psychology is in a serious imbalance state. For example, in the case of Wei Yinyong, in his view, the quarry was shut down because the villagers were jealous of his making money and deliberately made trouble. The handling of the relevant units was also unfair. It was shut down before the expiration of the business license, which he thought was an infringement of his legitimate rights by the government, while ignoring the hidden dangers of the quarry and the adverse effects on the surrounding environment.

3. Formation of Retaliatory Psychology and Estimation of Implementation Effects The formation of retaliatory psychology and motivation is the key link and core stage of behavioral polarization. Based on the first two stages, individuals have identified the damages caused by environmental stimuli. Out of the need to safeguard their own interests, sense of security, and dignity, they have developed the idea of hurting others to maintain self-esteem and restore a balanced state of mind, and decided to take retaliatory means to fight back. At the same time, they have also analyzed the objects of retaliation and the feasibility of implementation. For individuals who retaliate against society, they have suffered multiple harms from society. Some harms are not caused by specific individuals, such as poverty, unemployment, and diseases. It is difficult to find a specific object of hatred. Some are because the opponents are too powerful. Simply retaliating against one or two people is difficult to satisfy their psychological needs. Therefore, they expand their hatred and retaliate against countless unprepared strangers to produce an effect that can match their angry emotions. At this time, the individual's negative emotional energy reaches its extreme value. Any environmental stimulus or emotional fluctuation may trigger the individual's retaliatory behavior. Before the incident, Wei Yinyong once wrote on Weibo: "When I go crazy one day, please remember that I was played like a fool when I was innocent." "I must move forward because there is no retreat. I will fight desperately to get unexpected results." "It's time for me to kill people."

4. Externalization of Extreme Emotions and Implementation of Retaliatory Actions The implementation of retaliatory actions against society is the externalization stage of retaliatory psychology and extreme emotions. Individuals carry out violent acts against unspecified crowds by means of extreme violence such as arson, explosion, and assault with weapons to vent extreme emotions. The long-accumulated negative emotional energy of individuals is awakened and activated, and they begin to consciously conceive retaliatory plans and put them into practice. For example, on the day of the incident, Yang Zanyun first sent his girlfriend home and then returned to the county town alone to wait for an opportunity to carry out retaliatory actions. He first drove his car to the vicinity of the entrance of the Hengdong County Court to wait, intending to ram into the court staff. After failing to find an opportunity, he drove into the Mijiang Square in the county town and rammed into the people who were relaxing and entertaining in the square all the way. After the vehicle hit an obstacle and the airbag opened, he got out of the car and swung a folding shovel and a dagger at the on-site crowd, causing heavy casualties among innocent people.

(III) The Incubation Field of "Traumatic" Emotions From the previous analysis, we know that when an individual is always in a state of being deprived and discriminated against in the "market position", those negative emotional experiences will be stored up and continue as "traumas". Then in which situations are these "traumatic" emotional experiences incubated? According to Collins' explanation, the close connection between individuals and social situations is achieved through emotional energy, which is an emotional resource for individuals to carry out social interactions. When a situation can meet most of an individual's needs, it will maintain a high level of emotional energy; otherwise, it will be at a low level. The acquisition of individual emotional energy in society is achieved in the following types of social fields, including families, schools, communities, work units, social groups or social organizations. According to the differences in places, interaction objects, and interaction frequencies, the social situations of individuals who retaliate against society can be divided into three types: familiar situations, social situations, and work situations. Familiar situations refer to daily interactions with acquaintances without specific goals and with the closest relationships, which are also the main sources of emotional energy, such as interactions in families, with other relatives or neighbors.

The traumatic experiences from familiar situations are mainly manifested as the interruption of intimate relationships such as divorce and broken love. Social situations are for the purpose of interaction itself to obtain a sense of pleasure, with the functions of communication, understanding, and information exchange, such as rural-related groups and community activities. The traumatic experiences are manifested as contempt and isolation from rural groups and class discrimination related to residential segregation. In work situations, both sides have specific goals and clear division of labor, with behavioral restrictions and less emotional communication, such as interactions in work units, schools, and transactions. The traumatic experiences are manifested as failure of self-actualization caused by unemployment, dropping out of school, etc. and peer exclusion. For example, in the Yulin Mizhi case, the perpetrator mainly experienced traumatic experiences in school life and society. In the Huludao vehicle ramming case, it was the spread and manifestation of family contradictions. Both experienced low levels of emotional energy. The "traumatic" experiences of excluded individuals do not occur singly. They may simultaneously or alternately encounter emotional harm or relationship rupture in different situations. In the 2016 Jiangxi Fengxin vehicle ramming case, a friend of the suspect Hu Jiabing recalled his life experience, saying: "Seven or eight years ago, his wife divorced him. His son got into a fight and was jailed in 2014. Originally, he (Hu Jiabing) drove one car himself and hired a driver to drive another. After getting out of prison, he had nothing. He relied on driving for others and earned seven or eight thousand yuan a month... He took the money and went to Beijing to appeal... He didn't do drugs. His phone was very old and couldn't even get on the net. He just loved gambling."

The barrier of social exclusion prevents individuals from obtaining sufficient emotional returns from daily life situations, and they are in a long-term state of low emotional energy. Setbacks such as dropping out of school, unemployment, and divorce are all situational events that reduce individual emotional energy.

（一）个体报复社会行为的情感属性

从表面上看，社会排斥体验促使个体产生报复社会的动机，从而导致越轨行为的发生，但是，排斥状态下的生存困境刺激与越轨行为的发生之间不具备必然联系，并非所有被社会排斥的个体都会走上犯罪的道路。有关个体报复社会的新闻报道几乎无一例外地都会在作案原因中点明作案者存在报复心理与厌世情绪，因此报复心理才是直接导向个体无差别泄愤行为的决定因素。

**报复心理是一种应对、反抗外部不利因素的自我防御保护机制，是个体为了保持内心平衡而自发进行的补偿反应。**报复心理与个体的负性情感压力是相伴而生的，如痛苦、自卑、羞辱、愤怒等负面情绪，从价值强度与持续时间的角度来看，报复动机的形成是个体情感极化的结果，从强度较高但持续时间较短的痛苦、愤怒与羞辱等负性情绪演化为强度较低但持续时间较长的社会不安全感、仇恨情绪、政治冷漠、悲观厌世等极端的价值判断与心理认同。

例如，在榆林米脂一案中，赵泽伟少年时在米脂三中上学时总是受同学欺负，积怨已久，造成了其性格上的残缺，形成了严重的心理创伤，成年后工作生活一直不顺。

情感是人类行为的调节器，在有意识和无意识间指导着人们的决策，情感上的缺陷会导致有缺陷的社会行为。埃尔斯特指出：“如果某种情感的拥有本身就有害的话，那么，按照这种情感行事同样是有害的。”一般来说，社会经济地位较高的人拥有更多的社会资源和心理资源来预防极端情绪的产生。个体的社会地位越低，就越容易接触到造成压力的负性生活事件和问题，当个体在“市场位置”中总是处于消极状态时，即长期处于被剥夺与被歧视状态，那些低沉的情绪体验就会储存起来，并且作为“创伤”而延续。而负气的个体或群体对其行为并不完全具有掌控力，在情绪力量的推动下，个体或群体的行为可能偏离预先设想的理性轨道而产生突变, 最终导致无差别非理性攻击行为的发生。

（二）个体报复社会的行为极化过程

被排斥个体报复社会动机是在情感的推力下形成的，通过梳理报复社会个体的心理历程发现，极端行为的形成大致经历了现实环境刺激与排斥伤害感知、伤害体验加工与负性情绪唤醒、报复心理形成与实施效果估量、极端情绪外化与报复行动施行四个阶段。

1.现实环境刺激与排斥伤害感知

个体遭遇社会排斥并形成初步的情感体验是报复心理也是行为极化过程的第一阶段。在这一阶段，个体直接或间接地接触到来自社会环境或其他阶层的资源剥夺、权力限制、机会缺失及关系破裂等损害，并初步形成了自卑、痛苦、愤怒等消极的情感体验。在这一过程中个体对伤害的感知是影响他们做出何种反应的关键性因素，不同的人对同样的情境刺激会产生不同的心理反应，在许多情况下，一般人看来不是重大的刺激，而在边缘群体那里有可能是毁灭性的心理打击。

例如，广西柳城县“9·30”爆炸事件中，韦银勇因采石场灾害隐患与租金问题多次与村民发生纠纷，他在这一过程中产生了强烈的不满情绪，甚至还威胁要炸掉村民的房子，采石场被关停后与村民的关系愈发紧张。

2.伤害体验加工与负性情绪唤醒

被排斥的个体对来自环境的伤害进行加工，并产生强烈的负性情绪是行为的第二阶段。在这一阶段，个体将感知到的环境刺激与头脑中已有的知识经验相结合，对信息作出判断从而得出基本结论。**由于排斥环境的长期作用，这一阶段的个体知识经验水平本身就存在缺陷与不足，有可能使得他们对信息经验的加工存在片面性或是极端化，刻意夸大环境损害造成的后果，进一步激化已有的负性情绪体验，**如从初级的紧张、愤怒、悲伤、嫉妒、孤独过渡到怨恨、仇视、无能感等深度自我毒害的负性情绪，此时个体的心理处于严重失衡的状态。

例如，韦银勇一案中，在他看来，采石场被关停是由于村民嫉妒自己挣钱才故意闹事，相关单位的处理也有失公正，在经营许可证有效期之前被迫关停，是政府侵害了自己的合法权益，而忽略了采石场的安全隐患以及对周遭环境造成的不良影响。

3.报复心理形成与实施效果估量

报复心理与动机的形成是行为极化的关键环节与核心阶段，个体在前两个阶段的基础上明确了环境刺激造成的损害，出于维护自我利益、安全感和尊严的需要，产生了伤害他人以维护自尊、恢复平衡心态的念头，决定采取报复手段进行还击，同时也对报复的对象与实施的可行性进行了分析。

对于报复社会的个体来说，他们遭受的是来自社会多重的伤害，有些伤害并非由具体个人造成，比如贫困、失业、疾病等等，难以找到一个明确的仇恨对象；有些则是因为对手太强大，**单纯报复一二个人难以满足他们的心理需要，因而将仇恨扩大化，报复毫无防备且数量众多的陌生人才能产生足以匹配他们愤怒情绪的效果。此时个体的负性情感能量达到极值，任何一点环境刺激或情绪波动都有可能激发个体的报复行为。**韦银勇案发前曾在微博中写道：“等到那一天我变得疯狂，请记得我单纯时曾被你们当傻子一样耍。”“必须往前走，因为没有退路，我会拼命换来意想不到的后果。”“我杀人的时间到了”等语。

4.极端情绪外化与报复行动施行

报复社会行为付诸实施是报复心理与极端情绪的外化阶段，个体通过纵火、爆炸、持械伤人等极端暴力手段对不特定群众实施暴力行为以发泄极端情绪。个体积蓄已久的负性情感能量被唤醒激活，开始有意识地设想报复计划并付诸实践。

例如, 阳赞云在案发当日，他先将女友送回家，然后独自返回县城，伺机实施报复行为。他先把车开到衡东县法院门口附近守候，意图冲撞法院工作人员。未觅得机会后，又驾车冲入位于县城的洣江广场，一路猛烈撞击正在广场休闲娱乐的人群。车辆撞到障碍物致使安全气囊打开后，他又下车持折叠铲、匕首挥砍现场群众，造成无辜群众重大伤亡。

（三）“创伤”情感的孵化场域

通过前文的分析我们知道，当个体在“市场位置”中总是处于被剥夺与被歧视状态时，那些消极的情绪体验就会储存起来，并且作为“创伤”而延续。那么这些“创伤”式的情感体验是在哪些情境中被孕育的呢？根据柯林斯的解释，个体与社会情境的紧密联系是通过情感能量来实现的，它是个体进行社会互动的一种情感资源，当情境能够满足个体大多数的需求时就会保持在较高的情感能量水平，反之则会处于较低的情感能量水平。

社会中个体情感能量的获得是在以下几类社会场域中实现的，包括家庭、学校、社区、工作单位、社会团体或社会组织等。**按照场所、交往对象与交往频度的不同，可将报复社会个体的社会情境划分为熟悉情境、社交情境、工作情境三种类型。**熟悉情境指与熟人之间的日常交往，没有特定目标，关系最为亲密，也是情感能量的主要来源，如家庭中的互动、与其他亲人或是邻居之间的交往。来自熟悉情境的创伤体验主要表现为离婚、失恋等亲密关系的中断；社交情境则是为了互动而互动，目的是获得愉悦感，作用在于沟通了解和交换信息，如乡缘群体、社区活动等。其创伤体验表现为来自乡群的蔑视与孤立、与居住隔离相关联的阶层歧视；而在工作情境中，双方有特定的目标以及明确分工，存在行为限制，感情交流较少，如工作单位、学校、交易中的交往行为。其创伤体验表现为由失业、辍学等引起的自我实现失败与同辈排斥等。例如榆林米脂一案中，作案者主要是在学校生活和社会中遭遇了创伤体验；葫芦岛驾车撞人案中，则是家庭矛盾的扩散与显现，两者都遭遇了低度的情感能量体验。

被排斥个体的“创伤”体验并非是单一进行的，他们可能同时或交替遭遇不同情境下的情感伤害或关系断裂。

2016年江西奉新撞人案中，犯罪嫌疑人胡家兵的一位朋友回忆其生活经历，称“七八年前老婆和他离婚了，儿子2014年打架入狱了，原来他（胡家兵）自己开一台车，请司机开一台，出狱以后一无所有，靠帮人开车，一个月赚七八千块……拿了钱就去北京申诉……他不吸毒，手机很旧，连网都没法上，就爱赌博”。

▍表演式暴力：个体寻求承认的垂死挣扎 Performative Violence: The Dying Struggle of Individuals Seeking Recognition

Since ancient times, the principle of "revenge has its target and debt has its debtor" has been followed in the traditional Chinese concept of revenge. However, the aggressive acts of these individuals are no longer directed at specific targets in the traditional sense but at the whole society. The purpose of the acts is not to address existing infringements of interests either. This distinguishes the generalized violent actions of individuals from criminal acts in the general sense. It neither conforms to the causal law of crime nor is it due to mental inducements. The purpose of the actors seems to be more inclined to create a sensational effect and send a signal of "pay attention to me" to the whole society. For them, violent acts are more of a purpose than a means. According to Liu Bochao, "retaliating against society" is the process by which individuals seek recognition and attention from others through such extremely harmful and seriously unethical behaviors. Then why do the actors seek recognition from society and why do they resort to performative violence to vent and seek recognition? The research on the social recognition relationship model by Honneth provides the answers.

(I) "Struggle for Recognition" "One must live, but one must be (or become) a human being." Due to the existence of self-awareness, human beings themselves have the need to express themselves and be evaluated by others to confirm the entity and dignity of their own existence. Therefore, people need recognition and need to achieve an appropriate understanding of themselves through the recognition of others to promote the realization of independent and autonomous individuals. In Honneth's research, recognition involves not only the emotional experience of the internal self-awareness of human subjects but also the mutual care that must exist between individuals and society. Individuals gain the confidence to interact with others without obstacles in their interaction with society. Equality is the core content of recognition. Everyone must be protected by legal relations and also bear certain moral obligations. And these moral obligations can precisely shape individuals' behaviors, regulate and adjust people's lives, making people responsible for their own behaviors. Recognition is the basic condition for individuals to survive in modern society and is the expectation of a better life for individuals. Individuals expect society to recognize their current abilities and achievements and take them as the driving force for progress. However, injustice is ubiquitous. Injustice originates from the infringement of the hidden rules of mutual recognition by society, that is, society refuses to recognize or wrongly recognizes the subjectivity of individuals. Some individuals can use the resources they possess to make up for the harm caused by society. For groups excluded from the edge of society, they precisely lack the ability to make up for such harm, and the result is inevitably a continuous experience of contempt. Honneth believes that contempt is the moral motivation for social resistance. In order to express publicly and demand compensation, individuals have to use material, symbolic, or negative violence to struggle with society, that is, "struggle for recognition".

In the farewell letter handwritten by Ma Yongping before the incident, he wrote: "After three years of various efforts to demand wages, I failed. I can't express my despair and anger in words... No one doesn't cherish their own life, and I won't hurt anyone who deceives me. But when my life was... trampled on by the boss with no conscience and was worse than a dog, I could only get back my hard-earned money by embracing death." Therefore, we can understand the retaliatory psychology of individuals as the manifestation of resistance against the experience of contempt. In Honneth's words, it is "recognition justice". Social injustice or social exclusion infringes on the entity and dignity of individuals and violates the "justice" held by individuals. When there is no way to seek help, they turn to deviant behaviors that violate legal or procedural justice. Therefore, in their eyes, retaliating against society is a tragic way to obtain recognition justice.

(II) Performative Violence: Violence as a Means Those who retaliate against society often use extreme means such as slashing, arson, detonating explosives, and ramming people with vehicles to commit violence against others in public places. For them, violence is more of a means to vent emotions and obtain recognition rather than an end. The more easily deprived individuals are, the more inclined they are to resort to obvious or high-profile actions. This gives retaliating against society a performative tinge. The behavior of individuals retaliating against society is the violent performance implemented by individuals to obtain social recognition. Unlike the concealment of ordinary individual crimes, creating a sensational effect is one of the purposes of individuals retaliating against society. They pursue the maximization of social impact or social harm, not expecting to seek specific benefits from this process. To ensure the sensational effect of the behavior, they generally choose vulnerable groups that draw social attention, such as children and students; they use large-scale lethal means, such as chemicals and explosives; and they choose densely populated public places such as public transportation, commercial places, and residential areas as the implementation sites. This is because, on the one hand, there are enough targets for aggression, which is convenient for implementation; on the other hand, there are a large number of spectators, which can meet the needs of the actors to create excitement and attract attention. For example, in the 2009 Wangfujing ramming case, Ai Xuqiang chose Wangfujing as the crime scene. In his view, "Wangfujing is the most prosperous center in China and a place where the rich gather." In the 2010 Zheng Minsheng case, it was also a cross-class retaliation. He chose a key primary school located in the city center where most of the students came from wealthy families to launch an attack. After being subdued, he was still shouting crazily: "They won't let me live, I won't let them live." "The more I kill, the more I earn." In addition, it should be noted that the news media's reports on the behavior of individuals retaliating against society often attract widespread social attention, which incidentally produces the negative effect of spreading violence. Because this will make those who have had similar experiences of being excluded realize that certain violent behaviors can emphasize or highlight their dissatisfaction and trigger the focus of public opinion. Then they may imitate the violent performance. Therefore, the news media has invisibly expanded violent behaviors in this process. For example, in just two months from March to May 2010, six consecutive malicious attacks on the safety of teachers and students on campus occurred across the country. Although the identities of the criminals and the results they caused were different, the methods, processes, and targets of the crimes were highly similar. We have to suspect that the detailed and vivid descriptions of such events by the news media inspired some people with retaliatory psychology to imitate the crimes. Therefore, the harmfulness of retaliating against society events lies not only in the immediate threat they pose to society but also in the demonstration effect they cause.

自古以来中国人传统观念中的报复遵循的是“冤有头债有主”原理，而这些个体的侵害行为指向已经不是传统意义上的具体对象而是整个社会，行为目的也并非针对既存的利益侵害，这就使得个体泛化的暴力行动与一般意义上的犯罪行为区别开来。**既不符合犯罪的因果定律，又并非精神诱因，行为人的目的似乎更倾向于制造轰动效应，向全社会发出“关注我”的信号，暴力行为对于他们来说更多的是作为目的而非手段。**在刘伯超看来，“报复社会”就是个体通过这种危害性极大、严重违反伦理道德的行为方式寻求他人承认与关注的过程。那么行为人为何要向社会寻求承认，又为何诉诸表演式暴力发泄寻求承认？霍耐特关于社会承认关系模式的研究为此提供了答案。

（一）“为承认而斗争”

“人必须活着，但必须是（或成为）人”。人类由于自我意识的存在，本身就有表达自我与被他人评价的需要，用以证实自我存在的实体和尊严，因此人需要承认，需要在他者的承认中达到对自身恰当的理解，以促使独立自主个人的实现。

在霍耐特的研究中，承认不仅涉及人类主体内在自我意识的情感体验，也涉及个体与社会之间所必须具备的相互关爱，个体在与社会互动中获得可以无障碍地与他人交往的自信。平等是承认的核心内容，每个人都须得到法律关系的保护，同时也负担一定的道德义务，而这种道德义务恰恰能够塑造个人的行为、规范和调节人们的生活，使得人们对自己的行为负责。

承认是个体在现代社会中生存的基础性条件，是个体对美好生活的期待。个体期待社会能够承认他们当下的能力及成就，并将其作为前进动力，然而不公正是普遍存在的，不公正根源于社会对隐藏的相互承认规则的侵犯，也就是社会拒绝承认或是错误承认个体的主体性。部分个体能够运用自身占有的资源去弥补社会造成的伤害，对于被排斥于社会边缘的群体来说，他们恰恰缺失这种弥补损害的能力，其结果必然是持续的蔑视体验。霍耐特认为，蔑视是社会反抗的道德动机，为了表达公开和要求补偿，个体不得不运用物质的、象征的或是消极的暴力与社会展开斗争，即“为承认而斗争”。

马永平在案发前手书的绝笔信中写道：“三年来经过各种努力讨薪失败了，我无法用言语来表达绝望和愤怒……没有人不珍惜自己的生活，我也不会去伤害欺骗我的任何人。但当我的生命被……良心泯灭的老板践踏得不如一条狗时，我只能以拥抱死亡的方式要回我的血汗钱。”

因而我们可以把个体的报复心理理解为反抗蔑视体验的表现，用霍耐特的话来说即“承认正义”。社会不公正或者说社会排斥侵犯了个体的实体与尊严，侵犯了个体所秉持的“正义”，在求助无门的情况下转而诉诸违反法理正义或程序正义的越轨行为，因此在他们看来报复社会即是一种获取承认正义的悲情方式。

（二）表演式暴力：作为手段的暴力

报复社会者常采取砍杀、纵火、引爆炸药、驾车撞人等极端方式在公共场所对他人施暴。暴力对于他们来说更多的是发泄情绪、获得承认的手段而非目的。

越是容易被剥夺的个体，越倾向诉求于显而易见或高调的行动，这就使得报复社会渲染上了一层表演色彩，个体报复社会的行为即个体为了获取社会承认而实施的暴力表演。

不同于普通个体犯罪的隐匿性，**制造轰动效应是个体报复社会的目的之一，他们追求的是社会影响或社会危害的最大化，并非期望从这一过程中谋取特定利益。**为了保障行为的轰动效果，他们一般会选择社会关注的弱小群体，例如儿童、学生；借助大规模的杀伤性手段，如化学物品、爆炸物品；实施地点选择在人员密集的公共场所，如公共交通、商业场所、居民住宅区等等，这样做一是因为有足够的侵害目标，便于实施；二是有大量观众，能够满足行为者制造刺激、引起关注的需要。

例如，2009年王府井撞人案中艾绪强选择王府井作为作案地点，在他看来“王府井是中国最繁华的中心，是富人聚集的地方”；2010年郑民生一案同样是跨阶层的报复，选择了地处市中心、学生大都家境殷实的重点小学进行攻击，被制服后还在疯狂大叫：“他们不让我活，我也不让他们活”“多杀一个赚一个”。

另外，**还需要指出的是，新闻媒体对个体报复社会行为的报道，往往会引起社会的广泛关注，这就附带着产生了传播暴力的负面效应。**因为这会让那些具有类似被排斥经历的人意识到, 某些暴力行为可以强调或突出他们的不满，引发舆论的聚焦，于是他们就有可能有样学样地进行暴力表演。所以，新闻媒体在这个过程中隐形地扩大了暴力行为。

例如，2010年3月到5月短短两个月的时间里，全国范围内连续发生了六起恶意侵害校园师生安全的事件，虽然犯罪者的身份及造成的结果各不相同，但犯罪的方式、过程、侵害对象都具有高度的相似性，我们不得不怀疑新闻媒体对此类事件详细逼真的描述使得部分怀有报复心理的人受到启发进而模仿犯罪。因此，报复社会事件的危害性不仅仅在于事件对社会产生的现时性威胁，还在于其引起的示范效应。

▍结语 Conclusion

If inequality and violence hidden in daily life pervade society, over time, the naturalization of violence will occur, which is caused by the fixation of the abnormal structure. As Collins put it, "There are no violent individuals, only violent situations." The emotions and behaviors of individuals are shaped by social situations. Even those who seem extremely violent are only violent in specific times and spaces. That is to say, although background conditions such as social structure, social transformation, social tension, and individual characteristics can explain the fundamental motives of human social behaviors, they are far from explaining the core motives of sudden violent situations. The extreme violent situations of individuals are shaped by tense and angry emotions, and the essence of retaliating against society is the product of the emotional field.

如果社会中充满了隐匿于日常生活中的不平等与暴力，久而久之就会形成暴力的自然化，这是由于畸形结构的固定化导致的。正如柯林斯的观点，“没有暴力的个体，只有暴力的情景”，个体的情绪和行为是由社会情境塑造的，即使是那些看起来非常暴力的人群，也只是在特定的时空中才是暴力的。也就是说社会结构、社会转型、社会紧张、个体的特质等背景条件虽然可以解释人类社会行为根本性动机，但是距离解释突发暴力情境的核心动机还很远，个体极端的暴力情境是由紧张与愤怒的情绪塑造而成的，报复社会的本质是情绪场域的产物。

The occurrence of individual retaliating against society incidents is not accidental. From experiencing exclusion to causing emotional distortion, from the accumulation of resentment to the final retaliatory struggle, individuals go through a long process. Therefore, for the early warning and prevention and control of such incidents, the old notions of "sudden" and "accidental" must be discarded, and the concept of process control should be established:

个体报复社会事件的发生并非偶然，个体从遭遇排斥到引起情感畸变，怨气积蓄再到最终的报复抗争，经历了一个漫长的过程，因此对于此类事件的预警与防控必须摒弃“突发”“偶然”的陈旧观念，树立过程控制的理念:

First of all, structural risks that are likely to cause such incidents should be eliminated at the source. Promote social fairness and justice, further promote the construction of socialist democracy and the rule of law, and the construction of people's livelihood with employment, medical care, education, social security, etc. as the main contents, narrow the gap between different strata, and ensure that every social member can share the fruits of economic development.

首先，要从源头上消除容易引起此类事件的结构性风险。促进社会公平正义，深入推进社会主义民主法治建设和以就业、医疗、教育、社会保障等为主要内容的民生建设，缩小阶层差距，保障每一个社会成员都能共享经济发展的成果。

Secondly, establish a social safety valve system to mitigate the damage of risks. Improve the channels for expressing the interests and needs of vulnerable groups, and the state should respond in a timely manner according to their needs, which will help vulnerable groups get out of difficulties and relieve social tension.

其次，建立社会安全阀体系，减轻风险损害。完善弱势群体的利益与需求表达渠道，国家根据其需要适时作出回应，有助于帮助弱势群体脱离困境，缓解社会张力。

Finally, establish and improve the social catharsis and buffer mechanism for marginal groups, suppress and relieve hatred and angry emotions, focus on resolving the social dilemmas and individual anxieties brought about by modernity, enter the living world, emotional world, and mental world of marginalized people, and seek balance and harmony at the level of flexible governance while maintaining the stability of the rigid social structure and the stretching of the elastic social mentality.

最后，建立完善边缘群体的社会宣泄与缓冲机制，抑制、纾解仇恨心理与愤怒情绪，着力化解现代性带来的社会困局与个体焦虑，走进边缘人群的生活世界、情感世界与心态世界，在维持刚性社会结构的稳定与弹性社会心态的舒展中，寻求柔性治理层面上的平衡与和谐。